The use of religion as a pretext to consolidate power is a common feature of political regimes that lack widespread support or find their popularity waning. This practice has been seen throughout modern history in both Western and Eastern societies. Some of these efforts have been made overtly, but many have been made stealthily by interweaving political ideals within religious doctrine and vice versa.
Perhaps one of the more overt attempts at political consolidation through religious means was seen in Pakistan in the 1970's and 1980's. The regimes of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq exemplify the use of this tactic greatly. Both leaders tried to use the Islamic religion as a way of legitimizing executions, imprisonment and violence which, in turn, strengthened their rule due to the appeasement of largely Muslim populations.
A less overt attempt at political consolidation through religious means was, is, and will continue to be seen in America and consequently, throughout the world. The United States of America approaches both domestic and foreign policy with an inherent evangelical protestant slant and is further bolstered by the hijacking of "human rights," which has essentially, become a pseudo religion in itself. My contention is that the American manipulation of religion is actually more dangerous to its people and the world because the exploitation is now two-fold. In this fashion, the Bush administration can satisfy and appeal to both the left and the right simultaneously while achieving the same goal - colonialism.
This paper will evidence these claims by in-depth exploration of the politics of Pakistan in the 70s and 80s and establishing parallels to modern American politics, in particular, the Administration of George W. Bush. Such parallels will include the Bush Administration's use of religious symbols and rhetoric, particularly regarding the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Through examination of both Pakistani leaders' reign, the decay of democracy due to persecution and violence will be revealed, as will the tightening of political power by means of corruption. Conversely, it will be shown how America has chipped away democratic values by the introduction of the Patriot Act and the use of such rhetoric as the “Axis of Evil” so as to create a global atmosphere of "either you"re with us or against us'. This notion will be furthered with the use of Costas Douzinas' concepts that western perceptions of human rights have morphed into a form of quasi-religion, which has successfully resulted in a merging of counterterrorism and humanitarian intervention agendas.
Pakistan
Since the start of his rule, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto attempted to cultivate his image as a pious and Islamic leader under the banner of "Islamic Socialism. Bhutto understood the importance of appealing to the religious sentiments of the population for political legitimacy. He emphasized the notion of Islamic unity with other Muslims leaders, such as Faisal of Saudi Arabia and Sadat of Egypt, during the Lahore Islamic Summit. He also tried to connect his policies with that of the Prophet"s teachings. However, the pragmatic purpose behind his use of Islam in government policy can be seen in the Constitution of April 1973. The constitution declared Islam as the state religion, noted all laws must confirm with injunctions of Islam and that laws repugnant to Islam would not be permitted.1 However, the constitution didn't limit his powers as the PPP chairman.2 This shows that Bhutto would use Islam for political purposes, but not let it interfere with his power.
In order to understand the context behind Bhutto's actions, it's important to examine the Islamists' power in society at the time. The Islamists parties were always opponents of Bhutto and PPP. They formed a significant role in the opposition coalition to Bhutto, the PNA, and their mosques became centers of demonstrations against Bhutto. Leaders of religious organizations mobilized participation from the lower middle class as evident in their mass demonstrations after the 1977 rigged elections. The Islamists had even managed to penetrate the armed forces. Commanding troops began to believe that opposition to Bhutto was equivalent to affirming one's belief in Islam.3 Bhutto realized that he could both buy himself more time in power and possibly sway the Islamists to his side if he was able to appease them through concessions. As Stephen Cohen states, “aware of the growing Islamist movement, which had gathered steam by opposing both Ayub and the blatantly irreligious Yahya Khan, Bhutto advanced the idea of Islamic socialism.”4 Understanding the strength of the fundamentalist movement makes it much clearer to see why Bhutto would implement certain policies.
The religious policies Bhutto made were desperate concessions to appease and buy support from the Islamists. The fundamentalist nature of the policies clearly conflicted strongly with the Bhutto's original platform of liberal and moderate Islam. Such a blatant contradiction in the ideological nature of the policies shows they were done out of political pragmatism. An example of this was his policies towards the Ahmediyya community whom are seen as heretics by the Islamists. Out of political weakness, Bhutto supported the Islamists calls for oppressing this community. He helped enact the legislation of the Ahmediyya community that designated them as non-Muslims. This prohibited them from attending Islamic rituals and removed them from all positions of public service or office in the armed forces.5 This religious apartheid completely contradicts with Bhutto's original liberal platform. Perhaps the most blatant example of Bhutto's use of religion to get mass appeal was his actions right before his overthrow. These included banning alcohol, gambling, bars, nightclubs, and movie theatres. He publicly stated that he would move Pakistan to an Islamic state.6 As Omar Noman observes, “It was ironic that the PPP, erstwhile promoters of Islamic socialism, were responsible for initiating legislation which introduced the Muslim equivalent of Calvinsit Puritanism.”7 This timing and rushed policy stance proves that Bhutto thought he could salvage his political position by instating religious laws and winning the favour of the Islamists.
